TREE
INTRODUCTION DEPICTIONS NOMENCLATURE BIBLIOGRAPHY
El Baul St.1, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a smoking grotesque head censer with a human face peering down from a smokey sky band above. Between the tree and a stone stela with two glyph panels is a human figure, with a piercing cord in his right hand and a medicine bag in his left. The figure dances atop a dance platform or large preclassic style altar or throne. This sculpture bears a Dot-Bar IS of 7.18.9.7.12 Lakabib E, Lahunte Kumk'u. This date, at the midpoint of the final 20-day month of the Maya year Oxlahunib Ik', is also fifteen days before the new year Hunib Keh (Manik') enters. This date is significant because it marks the extended period of austerities undertaken by the devout in addition to the five days required of all prior to the celebration of New Year's Day. Doubtless, each of the four Mam, 'Year Bearers', human and divine, were notified of the impending shift on the last occurence of his day as shown in the following table:
| IS COUNT | XOK | K'IN | (YUCATEC) | DAY | MONTH | MAM | ACTION |
| 7.18. 9. 7. 2 | Kaib | Ik' | (Ik') | ti Kul | U Kum K'u | IK' | notified |
| 7.18. 9. 7. 7 | Uukib | Keh | (Manik') | Hote | U Kum K'u | KEH | notified |
| 7.18. 9. 7.12 | Lakabib | E | (Eb) | Lahunte | U Kum K'u | E | notified |
| 7.18. 9. 7.17 | Kanib | Noh | (Kaban) | Holahunte | U Kum K'u | NOH | notified |
| 7.18. 9. 8. 2 | Bolonib | Ik' | (Ik') | U Kul | Uay Ah Hab | IK' | retires |
| 7.18. 9. 8. 7 | Hunib | Keh | (Manik') | U Kul | U Pop Tun | KEH | enters |
Chan Chen St. 1, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a smoking skeletal head censer with a rampant bat perched on top. Before the tree sits a human figure bearing a serpent bar. The figure sits atop a dance platform or large preclassic style altar or throne (Sidries 1983).
Santa Cruz del Quiche Sl, depicts a pole with akan leaf binding, a serpent head on top and uay smoke emanating from the head, (Parsons 1986).
Altun Ha Pl. 1, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a smoking head censer with a small creature mingled with the smoke. Before the tree sits a human figure in profile. The figure sits atop a dance platform or large Preclassic style altar or throne ornamented with a frontal human portrait (Pendergast 1982:84-85, Figure 55a).
Chinkultik Mn. 1, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a platform with a small creature standing on top. Beside the tree stands an elaborately costumed human figure in profile (Navarrete 1984).
Chinkultik Mn. 7, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a platform with a small opulently costumed monkey sitting on top. Beside the tree stands an elaborately costumed human figure in profile, while a subsidiary figure kneels before the tree (Navarrete 1984).
Chinkultik Mn. 17, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a platform with a small rabbit with a bat and ball standing on top. Beside the tree stands an elaborately costumed human figure in profile, while a subsidiary figure kneels before the tree (Navarrete 1984).
Chinkultik Mn. 19, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a platform with a small owl perched on top. Beside the tree stands an elaborately costumed human figure in profile, while a subsidiary figure kneels before the tree (Navarrete 1984).
Chinkultik Mn. 20, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a platform with a small creature standing on top. Beside the tree stands an elaborately costumed human figure in profile, while a subsidiary figure kneels before the tree (Navarrete 1984).
Chinkultik Mn. 23, depicts a beribboned pole topped by a platform with a small creature standing on top. Beside the tree stands an elaborately costumed human figure in profile, while a subsidiary figure kneels before the tree (Navarrete 1984).
Chinkultik Mn. 32, depicts a beribboned pole. Beside the tree stands a dance platform or large preclassic style altar or throne ornamented with a portrait (Navarrete 1984).
Palenque FC, depicts a pole with ears of maize secured to the sides, mounted with a head censer bearing features of the number seven and an omen or messenger bird perched on top. Two human figures presenting offerings flank the tree. This panel was dedicated on 9.13.0.0.0 Uaxakil Ahau, Uaxakte Uo, an Eb year K'atun ending.
Bilbao Mn 18, depicts an uncarved pole with crab claws woven into its base. The upper end is eroded. Flanking the pole are two large standing figures with a smaller figure to the right. Both right hand figures carry banners with glyphic texts and the entire scene is set atop a low platform ornamented with glyphic? disks, (Parsons 1969).
Bilbao Mn 59a, depicts 2? Type I trees and two confronting individuals. The primary tree appears as a thin pole between the confronting figures and is wrapped in sinuous vines which are woven together at the upper end of the post before separating into distinct tendrils again. The secondary tree, another thin pole, stands to the right of the right hand figure. This tree is also wrapped in vines with a skirted platform on which is a small human figure. It is possible that this tree represents something similar to the staffs with skirted platforms bearing manniquin figures found on Yaxchilan Ln 6, 43, (Parsons 1969).
Diego de Landa discusses poles associated with new year ceremonies for the years Kan, Muluk, Ix and Kauak. In his account each incoming year is greeted by a welcoming party from the town. The incoming year is then carried to a reception at the house of the sponsor and then set up at the temple of the right hand quarter of town, from where the year enters. These events surround the year tree, a pole mounted with an "image", clearly refering to the small figures and smoking head censers listed above.
Madrid Pages 79, 102 depict Type I trees in use as anchors for weaver's backstrap looms.
Madrid Page 60 depicts Type I trees with a fork the top in use as houseposts.
Madrid Page 81 is ambiguous, depicting four Type I trees?, stone or wooden blocks held out by four elders.
Madrid Page 89 depicts a Type I tree as an unornamented ak'a'ante much like the core of those depicted on Dresden Pages 55-58.
Madrid Pages 107, 111 depict Type I trees as ak'a'anteob.
Type I tree rituals survive among the Mopan Maya of San Luis Mopan, Peten, Guatemala, who annualy renew the town flagpole, (Urich and Ulrich 1965, 1982).
The Madrid Screenfold also depicts the Maya Sign Of The Cross.
Yaxchilan Ln 2, depicts three small hand held crosses in a scene with two stela-altar complexes as text blocks and two standing male figures. Each of these crosses is protected from the hand by a cloth, the ends of which hang below. The ends of the crossbar are decorated with rosettes which resemble the sectioned maize cob forehead ornament of number hox, three, (Macrie 19xx). Each cross is also surmounted by an upended bird seen in top view. The Left figure holds his cross upright in his right hand. The right figure holds his right hand cross upright and his left hand cross horizontally. These small crosses may be family, lineage, fraternity or communal altar equipment, or they may be, bakabob, fiadoras, 'representatives' of the five patron trees of the community, like similar small crosses employed in public rituals throughout the Maya area today.
Yaxchilan Ln 52, depicts two small hand held crosses in a scene with a stela-altar complex as text blocks and two standing figures, one male, one female. The female figure stands to the right grasping a large medicine bundle. The Male figure stands to the left holding both crosses. The left hand cross is held upright and the right hand cross is held horizontally. Each of these crosses is protected from the hand by a cloth, the ends of which hang below. The ends of the crossbar are decorated with criciform rosettes which resemble the sectioned maize cob forehead ornament of number hox, three, (Macrie 19xx). One cross is surmounted by an upended bird seen in top view, and one cross is surmounted by an upended bird seen in side view where the long tail, neck and small head characteristic of the quetzal are clearly depicted.
Madrid Page 13 depicts a Type II tree with high and low crossbars at the beginning of a 260-day count.
Dresden Pages 3, 47, 49, 66, 73, 74 all depict trees with crocodile heads at their base. These and similar depictions often also indicate the spiney texture and green color of the yax cheil kab, 'first tree of world', yax imix che, 'first breast her tree', usually identified as the Ceiba.
Dresden Pages 59-62a show the four AR year Cakob perched in the branches of their respective trees. These trees are depicted without roots, indicating that they have been cut down and re-erected? The text above each image records the name, color, tree and direction associated with each Cak. However, the lower left glyph above the first Cak records Tun/ Hab "year" rather than Ce "tree", indicating that these trees were erected for new year's and perhaps other festivals requiring a drum. The fifth Cak in this series faces the others from a stucco house at the right end of the sequence. Unfortunately, only traces of the text accompanying this figure remain.
Paris Page 16 depicts a green figure holding glyph T506 perched in the branches of a tree with crocodile head at the base. The trunk of the tree seems to split and swell around a foreign body something like a cross between a deer haunch and a bent tree branch. Graham identifies heads like that of the figure seated in the tree as profile Ahau heads and reads them as Ah, (Graham 1971:155-159). The text above this scene contains the clauses Tl030c and T59:17:87, which I read Ah ti Yax Ce "He of Green Tree".
Cumayel Chapter XV is important for understanding the use of trees in Maya ritual because it describes the erection of year trees during the beginning times. This chapter also places each of the year trees described by Landa at the correct directional points with their colors and birds. More significantly for this study, the text specifically places the Yax Imix Ce ' "Green Ceiba Tree" at the center (Roys 1933:100).
Zinacantec Maya tree rituals constructed around the ceremonial center and its physical symbol Balam Te "Jaguar Tree", survive today. In these rituals a tree is cut down, by participants in sacred dances, and "planted" in the center of town during annual renewal ceremonies.
Yucatec Maya tree rituals constructed around the ceremonial center and its physical symbol Yax Ce "Ceiba Tree", survive today. In these rituals the Ceiba is brought to the plaza, by participants in sacred dances, and "planted" in a bull ring in the center of town. In all three of these sources a man known as Nohoc Mak, 'big ol' man', 'high opossum man,' and Ci'ik, 'Clown', 'Coati', 'strong', perches in the tree performing jokes and distributing "Ceiba fruit", among the people (Thompson 1930:111, Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:153-159, Villa Rojas 1945:127-128).
During Summer 1983, I was present at three village Patron Saint's day rituals which exhibited considerable variation. At the village of Te Mosom, firmly in the Yucatecan tradition, the Saint's day came and went without the erection of a tree although the Bull Fight did take place. At the Cruzob center of Señor and the nearby village of Xoken the ritual complex was more fully represented with the erection of trees, fasting, continence and ritual dances all present. At these villages the only significant digression from the formula presented by Thompson, Redfield and Rojas and Villa Rojas was the absence of the Ci'ik, 'coati mundi', 'clown', from the tree erection ceremonies. Regardless, at Señor, I was told that the man in the tree 'is called Ci'ik because he sits in the tree and Ci'ikob like to climb trees', that 'he drinks from a cu, 'calabash', his 'Ceiba fruit', is, xtop, 'squash seed' and 'he carries the tail of one of the special pigs sacrificed for the festival' The men carrying the tree 'try to knock him out of the tree, but he doesn't fall because he's the Ci'ik, and they don't fall from trees.' Also, 'the Ci'ik can't be afraid because he goes around and steals things from people, and he has a wooden sword. During the day he is told what to take, but at night he takes things that have been pointed out to him during the day. And the people chase him like dogs. It has to happen with the Vacaria. The Vacaria and killed pigs open the festival, Yaxce second night, first night Vacaria and pigs, second night Yaxce and Ci'ik. The Zapote is better than the Ceiba because the Ceiba is too slippery and too hard to climb. In some places they hang fruit in the tree and the people collect it and take it home with them. Another fascinating detail gleaned from the Señor ritual is that although the center tree is called Yaxce 'Green Tree', Ceiba Tree', or Imixce, 'Breast-flow Tree', Ceiba Tree', the tree which is most commonly planted is the Ya, Zapote, or chewing gum tree. The Ya, is often selected because 'it is stronger, if during 8 days the leaves are fresh and green the year will be good. If it doesn't live long then people will be sick and the year will be bad'. Whereas, the Ceiba is only expected to last 3 days.
A man of Cunpom, said that, 'when they use a Ceiba, they pull it up and plant it roots and all, but not the Zapote'. This may explain the variation in artistic depictions, with Type III trees representing the Ceiba proper, Type I trees representing Ya, 'Zapote' or Pich, and Type II trees made of K'uce, 'mahogany'. At Xoken the Ceiba was not planted with roots intact. Nonetheless, I suspect that they had not intended to plant a tree at all, untill they realized that I was interested in the practice, and they may have cut the trunk to simplify an otherwise unplanned last minute addition to the festival..
"Ceiba branches" is used at several places in the Maya Manuscript Tizimin to indicate Maya lineages (Edmonson 1982). Ak'a'an te, 'Erect Tree, Feminine Tree,' may be a specific reference to the Matriline, since it is anointed with blood during ceremonies in honor of incoming 365 day year spirits (Tozzer 1941:135-149). Ak'a'an te, stained with blood at the center of an enclosure with four doors also represents female generation, a crucial secret to the origin and defeat of diseases (Roys 1965:xiv-xv). This "enclosure with four doors" is reminiscent of the position of Seibal St. 21 within the cruciform central chamber of Structure A-3 (J. Graham, personal communication to author). Also, the term, le "leaf, feather, lineage, age, rank," further enhances the general association between trees and lineages (Schele and D. Miller 1983).
A specific conceptual relationship between the Ceiba and women's breasts is also indicated in Maya folklore, language and graphic representations. Redfield and Villa Rojas observed a folkloric admonition against young girls playing with Ceiba fruit "lest their breasts grow too large" (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:207). The linguistic indications of this connection are carried in the name Im-ix Che "Ceiba", which can also be interpreted as Im Ix ce "breast her tree, breast flow tree". T501, a depiction of an inverted flower with the stem represented as a dark spot encircled by smaller dots, which is also how women's aureole and nipples are depicted in Maya art.
In Landa's manuscript ritual trees figure prominently in year ending ceremonies in which they are erected at the four corners of town. Processions to these ritual trees then continue to the household courtyards of sponsors in wealthy neighborhoods near the quarter of town where the ritual trees are erected. Birds and animals are sacrificed before the trees and a public feast is prepared while prominent individuals cut their fingers, arms and other body parts to draw blood with which the tree is anointed.
The Ceiba tree also bears strong associations with the ritual center in modern Yucatec communities, where an enormous Ceiba tree commonly stands in the central plaza of each village and town. Since other trees are systematically cleared from this most important communal space the presence of these Ceibas is certainly intentional. Perhaps this living Ceiba in the central plaza reflects traditional Maya cosmology in which the city is a model of the world, with its four cardinal divisions grouped around the sacred center. In this cosmology the Ceiba stands at the center of the world, "its roots penetrate the underworld; its trunk and branches pierce the various layers of the sky. Some Maya groups hold that by its roots their ancestors ascended into the world, and by its trunk and branches the dead climb to the highest sky'', (Thompson 1970:195). Also, "the green tree of abundance or Ceiba was set up in the center as a record of the destruction of the world", (Roys 1933:100).
Another aspect of the Ceiba tree is represented by its association
with a female demon called the X Tabi who "appears in the form of a
beautiful young woman, dressed in a fine huipil with fine embroidery, and with
long hair. She induces a young man to follow her into the bush, or into some
saskabera, and there, unless he is lucky enough to escape, she
chokes him to death. [Also the X Tabi lives in Ceiba trees] or
into such a tree she changes her form" (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:122).
The name X Tabi can be glossed "she Cord" and may be the Precolumbian
term for the hangman's noose which was said to convey the soul of the hanged
to the highest heaven beneath the shade of the cosmic Ceiba tree (Thompson
1970:301).
T68, a plant with cordiform leaves rests atop T586, a net. Thompson identifies the plant depicted in T68 as the ak'aan and suggests it is used as a near homonym for ak'an "to set up [erect]" (Thompson 1972:91).
Landa's "alphabet" suggests T586 may be read kan/pa-u "net" (Tozzer 1941, Coe 1973:15).
T567, ok, depicts the ear of a spotted dog to indicate 'enter, step, foot, spot, spoor, copy, take, steal, period of 40-days'. The 'nine step tree', identifies the 360-day Maya 'year' as 9x40-day 'steps' and is a special name for the 'Nine Place' tree at the center of the community, bolon tza kab, 'nine smoking earth', where the communal foundation shrines lie.
109:87 95:87501:87281:87600:87
This clause brackets a compound which may be related to the "new sun at horizon" compound known from Classic Maya inscriptions in the Central and Southern Lowlands.
These clauses support the suggestion that, in 'year' ending clauses, T213 indicates the erection of trees. Although, a better interpretation may be that 'year' ending clauses refer to the ritual commemoration of Kan Ahau, Uaxak Kumk'u through the dedication of a memorial tree. Ritual trees are a crucial part of Maya renewal or commemorative ceremonies. They indicate the establishment of a child in its lineage, a lineage on its lands, a village within its boundaries and a calendar spirit over its temporality.
58:87